A long-overdue geopolitical shift is needed to support a stable ally and counter hostile alliances in a vital region.
For over three decades, the Republic of Somaliland has existed in a political paradox: a de facto independent state with a functioning government, a stable democracy, and a strategic location in one of the world’s most volatile regions, yet it remains unrecognized by the international community. This article argues that the current policy of diplomatic limbo is not only a historical injustice but a geopolitical liability. It is time for the United States and its allies to grant immediate recognition to Somaliland, a move that would reward a reliable partner and serve as a bulwark against the destabilizing influence of hostile powers like China.
The international community’s reluctance to recognize Somaliland is often based on the premise that doing so would encourage other secessionist movements in Africa and violate the principle of territorial integrity. However, a deep examination of Somaliland’s history reveals its case to be unique and self-justified, setting it apart from typical secessionist claims.
Somaliland’s history is fundamentally separate from that of present-day Somalia. As a British protectorate since the late 1800s, it developed a distinct administrative and political identity from Italian Somaliland. This separate colonial history is the foundational element of its claim. On June 26, 1960, the British Protectorate of Somaliland achieved full independence and became a sovereign nation known as the State of Somaliland. For five days, it existed as a recognized, independent state on the world stage, receiving congratulatory telegrams from at least 35 countries, including all five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. The United States itself sent a congratulatory message from Secretary of State Christian Herter, marking this as a “noteworthy milestone”.
The decision to unite with Italian Somaliland on July 1, 1960, was driven by a pan-Somali aspiration, but the union was fundamentally flawed from its inception. The formal legal processes required to create a binding treaty of union were never completed. The Act of Union was never properly ratified, and a 1961 referendum on the new constitution was overwhelmingly rejected by voters in Somaliland, a stark contrast to the south. This legal vacuum was compounded by decades of political and economic marginalization under the Siad Barre dictatorship, which waged a brutal, targeted war on the northern region, resulting in an estimated 50,000 civilian deaths.
Following the collapse of the Barre regime in 1991, a congress of clan leaders declared the 1960 union invalid and announced the re-establishment of the Republic of Somaliland. This was not an act of secession but a reassertion of a pre-existing legal status. An African Union fact-finding mission in 2005 even concluded that the unratified union and decades of subsequent malfunction made Somaliland’s search for recognition “historically unique and self-justified in African political history”. This legal nuance is critical to understanding why the international community can and should reconsider its stance on Somaliland without compromising the broader principle of preserving colonial borders.
While the international community has focused its efforts on propping up the fragile and often dysfunctional Federal Government of Somalia in Mogadishu, Somaliland has spent three decades building a functional state from the ground up with little to no external assistance. Somaliland meets all de facto requirements for statehood as defined by the 1933 Montevideo Convention, which is a foundational element of customary international law. Somaliland has a permanent population of millions, a defined territory based on its colonial-era borders, and a functional and effective central government that controls the majority of its territory. It boasts a constitution approved by a popular referendum, a democratically elected President, and an independent judiciary. It has its own military, police force, and currency. In a remarkable display of its capacity to enter into relations with other states, it has diplomatic missions in at least 18 countries, including the United Kingdom, Sweden, France, the United States, and Taiwan.
In sharp contrast to the ongoing instability in Somalia—a “failed state” racked by violence, kleptocracy, and a confusing political landscape—Somaliland has been an “oasis” of peace and stability for more than three decades. It has held multiple, peaceful, and democratic elections since 2003, with international delegations from the U.S., UK, EU, and France observing and praising the process. The nation’s commitment to democratic principles is reflected in a 2024 Freedom House rating of “partly free,” a stark contrast to Somalia, which was rated “not free”.
The debate over Somaliland’s recognition has shifted from a legal and ethical question to a matter of critical geopolitical importance. Its strategic location in the Horn of Africa, at the crossroads of vital maritime corridors, makes it a key player in global security and a potential partner in countering the growing influence of rival powers.Somaliland’s coastline runs along the Gulf of Aden, placing it in proximity to the Bab al-Mandab Strait, one of the world’s most critical maritime chokepoints. Nearly a third of all global shipping passes through this narrow strait, making its security a paramount international concern. The region is plagued by threats from piracy, weapon smuggling, and terrorist groups, including Al-Shabaab and other rebels. Somaliland has emerged as a reliable partner in counter-piracy and counter-terrorism operations, and has even proposed hosting a U.S. air and sea base in exchange for recognition, offering a strategic foothold in the region and beyond.
The long-standing U.S. “One Somalia” policy has been a clear failure, as it empowers the Mogadishu administration to act as a spoiler against Somaliland’s progress. The Federal Government of Somalia, with its internal challenges and reliance on external support, has become a conduit for the influence of hostile powers, including China and Turkey. China, in particular, has used “economic and diplomatic coercion” to punish Somaliland for its democratic values and its support for Taiwan, and is actively working to undermine U.S. interests in the region.
By continuing to withhold recognition, the international community inadvertently supports a failed administration that prioritizes destabilizing the authorities in Hargeisa and damaging Somaliland’s international image over confronting threats like Al-Shabaab. The current international approach to Somaliland is based on a paradox: it praises Somaliland’s democratic achievements and stability while denying it the very recognition that would secure its long-term viability. It is time for a new framework.
The U.S. government, as a key actor in the region, is uniquely positioned to lead this new approach.As wisely advocated by dignitaries such as Senator Ted Cruz and signaled by President Trump, the most effective policy is to grant immediate, formal recognition to the Republic of Somaliland as an independent state.
This decisive action would reward a reliable partner, signal a new era of clarity in American foreign policy, and counter the influence of hostile actors. Furthermore, the U.S. should bypass the failed administration in Mogadishu and provide direct development and security assistance to Somaliland, strengthening its institutions and providing tangible support for a reliable partner.
A new approach, centered on the recognition of two separate, equal, and sovereign states, is the only viable path to a lasting peace. Formal recognition is not the end of the process, but the necessary starting point. It would allow Somaliland to access international finance, bolster its economy, and address internal challenges without relying on an external and often hostile power. This approach would turn Somaliland from a point of contention into a pillar of stability, contributing to a more prosperous and secure Horn of Africa for all its people.
By: Said W. Hersi
Researcher and Expert in Strategic Leadership, Organizational Transformation, and Human Capital Development
Email: swarsame2@yahoo.com
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